None of the European powers wished to irritate their powerful eastern neighbor unnecessarily. That could have complicated their relations on a number of important issues at a time when cooperation between the two seemed more important than ever. However, keeping Cyprus out risked the veto by Greece of the application of all other candidate countries, something that Athens had threatened to do if Cyprus was refused entry.
The argument advanced by the government of Cyprus stated that Cyprus should not be punished for the invasion of the island by Turkey. Since it was Turkey, they said, that refused to abide by the resolutions of the UN asking for the withdrawal of its troops from the island, Ankara bore the responsibility for the continuation of the stalemate.
https://senjouin-renkai.com/wp-content/jailbreak/neues-handy-spiele-mitnehmen.php Turkish Cypriots, on the other hand, believed that entry of Cyprus into the EU before a solution was reached would remove a strong incentive on the part of the Greek Cypriots to reach a settlement. Tying EU entry to a solution, however, would have the opposite effect, encouraging the Greek Cypriots to do their utmost to arrive at a solution. Once in the EU, Turkish Cypriots asserted, Greek Cypriots would be less willing to compromise, making an agreement all the more difficult.
Neither Washington nor Europe wished to leave an embittered Turkey sitting on the eastern flank of Europe to be drawn into radical Islamist politics. The only Muslim member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and bordering Europe and the Middle East, Turkey was strategically too significant to be overlooked in regional and global calculations.
Peacemaking Efforts For more than 42 years, the international community has been engaged in attempts to find a lasting settlement to the problem confronting Cyprus. In the first decade of the troubles, from December to , the problem appeared to focus on intercommunal disputes, whereas in the aftermath of and with the presence of more than 30, Turkish troops on the island, another important and external dimension has been added to the problem: that of occupation of territory.
That is not to say that the external factors did not exist from the beginning or had been overlooked in peacemaking efforts.
Oct 1, The Historical Dictionary of Cyprus offers a reference guide to the country. With its chronology, introductory essay, appendixes, bibliography. Rich with a history stretching back thousands of years and endowed with an Eastern heart and a Western mind, the Mediterranean island of Cyprus is a tourist .
On the contrary, Resolution of the UN Security Council adopted on 4 March had stated that any solution had to be sought with the agreement of the guarantor powers—Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey—as well as the government of Cyprus Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriot community. The above indicated the presence of both internal and external factors in the Cyprus problem, the resolution of which has to take both into account.
Following the failure of the first mediator, Galo Plaza, no successor was appointed. Instead it was thought that the good offices of the UN secretary-general could be utilized for efforts to bring the two communities together. Numerous attempts were made and various initiatives launched, but to no avail. On occasions when the problem could potentially trigger a wider Greco—Turkish conflict, such as — or , the US appeared willing to invest time and diplomacy to calm the situation. The letter from President Lyndon Johnson to his Turkish counterpart in deterring Turkey from taking any military action against Cyprus, and the shuttle diplomacy of Cyrus Vance in , traveling between Nicosia, Ankara, and Athens to prevent the escalation of the conflict, demonstrated that.
Why was it that despite the two High-Level Agreements of and between the two communities, no steps toward their implementation had ever been taken? Such instances and the unyielding and never-ending intercommunal negotiations appeared to give weight to the proposition that intercommunal negotiations and agreements alone could perhaps not resolve the problem by themselves. There was a need to engage outside powers in a more consistent and meaningful manner in efforts for a solution.
Turkey, in particular, had to be involved, as its troops on the island wielded significant power in the northern sector of the country, to the chagrin of the Greek Cypriots in the south. Lurking beneath the attitude of outside powers, most notably the US, toward the Cyprus problem was the Cold War and the policy of containment.
In that regard the red line for Washington was a Greco—Turkish conflict over the issue, an event which could have threatened the cohesion of the southeastern flank of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Exactly for the same reason, the approach of the former Soviet Union to the Cyprus problem centered on driving a wedge between the two NATO partners over the Cyprus problem. Therefore the Cold War left its mark on the Cyprus problem.
Any resolution of the conflict would have automatically deprived the Soviets of an opportunity to weaken the Western alliance. It was also believed, but not substantiated, that through the left-wing party Moscow exercised influence in the country.
That is why the end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union gave hope to many that Cyprus could be a beneficiary of such developments and that a solution was around the corner. A Cyprus solution, it was believed, could be achieved in the new-found spirit of international cooperation. These hopes were dashed, however, after new post—Cold War initiatives also failed to break the deadlock and the stalemate continued.
Eager to absorb the east European countries formerly under Soviet influence, and in competition with the US to extend its influence in the former Communist world, the EU was intent on allowing 10 of those countries to join its fold in Greece threatened that the rejection of the Cyprus application for membership would carry the risk of a veto by Athens on the membership of all those candidates; either Cyprus joined the EU along with the other candidates, Greece contended, or no new member could be accepted into the Union at all.
It was under such intense pressure on a strategically sensitive issue that Brussels agreed to include Cyprus on the list. Accordingly, the government in Nicosia was encouraged to resolve the problem as soon as possible to expedite its membership in the European Union. This, the Cyprus government contended, was rather like punishing Cyprus for being invaded and occupied by a foreign country.
Turkey, therefore, could face the possibility of being in occupation of the territory of a member of the EU, and that would provide an incentive to Ankara to seek a solution. However, no solution came about. Most spectacularly, a plan endorsed by the UN, called Annan V, was defeated in a referendum by more than 75 percent of the Greek Cypriots in April The Turkish Cypriots, however, voted for the plan in a separate referendum by a margin of 64 percent. The rejection by the Greek Cypriots produced anxiety in the international community as to the likelihood of success of any future effort for reconciliation.
Nonetheless, the government of Cyprus tried to allay concerns by restating its determination to find a viable and lasting settlement. The complex Annan Plan V appeared to contain elements that, while appealing to one community, tended to displease the other.
Prospects for the Future Politically speaking, Cyprus must feel more secure now that it is firmly anchored in the EU. The prospects of a violent conflict with its powerful northern neighbor have perceptibly diminished; after all, Ankara would not wish to lessen the chances of its own membership in the EU through another military engagement with a member-state.
As a full member, Cyprus can perhaps begin to enjoy some of the tacit and diplomatic support that the club can offer. Membership in the EU can also bring in further economic and financial gains. The political and economic stability has already attracted investment from the neighboring countries. Russians have poured in large sums of money, particularly in the coastal town of Limassol. The Lebanese, their country once again on the brink of civil strife, are bringing some savings into Cyprus for a rainy day.
Those from the Middle East attracted by the Mediterranean weather of the island, its sandy beaches and clear waters, its short distance to the region, and its oriental flavor, prefer Cyprus to some other European destinations, whether for short-term tourism or a long-term stay. Still, compared with some other Western capitals, people seem to feel safer in Cyprus. This is particularly alluring to those with younger families and preoccupied with the question of crime and violence.
It would therefore appear fair to state that the island of Cyprus is an attractive destination for many.
Eva Poluha. Publisher: Scarecrow Press , From Communists to Foreign Capitalists. History of Cyprus : definition of History of Cyprus. Capital: Nicosia. The Greek Exodus from Egypt.
Offering a Western style of life within a Mediterranean setting with short commuting distances, sandy beaches, high mountains, and short distances to continental Europe and the Middle East all may seem like a paradise. And for those able to make it, it may in fact be so. However, against all that, it has to be noted that, offshore business aside, it is rather difficult to build oneself up in Cyprus.
The small size of the island acts as a natural barrier to that. Even those engaged in offshore business usually have sizeable assets before they establish themselves on the island. Ambitious and aspiring individuals may thus do well to keep in mind that Cyprus for them may only be rewarding as a springboard. For those who have already established themselves in their profession, however, Cyprus is becoming an ever more attractive place of residence.
Equally enchanted are the retired generation of Europeans, particularly British, who have now settled in Cyprus, mainly in the western town of Paphos. What is going to become of the Cyprus problem, however? In the short to medium term, perhaps not much. International politics of course will have much to do with that, as will the internal politics of the island.
There seems to be some way to go before the application comes to fruition, and there is some doubt as to whether membership will ever be achieved. First there are some, albeit rather quiet, objections, notably from continental Europe, to it joining the Union on the basis of being a Muslim country. Turkey borders countries in the developing world like Syria, Iran, Iraq, and Armenia.
Sharing borders with a turbulent Middle East is not a prospect Europeans cherish at the moment. Nor is the situation within the island particularly more conducive to a solution, despite hopes raised after the presidential elections of There seems no particular rush on either side to come to an agreement. As for the Greek Cypriot side, any solution would have to agree with the acquis communitaire of the EU, a requirement that cannot conceivably be fulfilled considering the realpolitik of the region at the moment. The basic freedoms of movement, settlement, and the right to property throughout the island are most difficult, if not impossible, to be formulated into a solution.
The history of the island in the past decades may well stand in the way of such arrangements. Yet the Greek Cypriots, the majority community, feel entitled to what they consider to be their basic human rights.
The Turkish Cypriots, on the other hand, may also be wary of a negotiated solution now that their fellow Greek Cypriots have the advantage of being an EU member. Any solution for them must protect what they perceive as their fundamental rights as a separate community.